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THE RUSSIAN- 
JAPANESE WAR 


THE MATTER CONTAINED IN THIS 
MONOGRAPH WAS PUBLISHED IN 
THE NEWARK (N. J.) “EVENING 
NEWS” OF MARCH THE FIRST, 
NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FOUR 



A REVIEW of the present situation in the Far 
East, a summary of the causes that have led 
up to it, and a glance at the future, are contained 
in the following interview given by George F. 
Seward, president of the Fidelity and Casualty 
Company, to the Newark Evening News. Mr. Seward, 
whose residence in East Orange has identified him 
in many ways with New Jersey, speaks with 
authority on Oriental matters, and his views, made 
public in this paper at the time of the Boxer 
outbreak, attracted wide attention. Mr. Seward 
served as United States Consul and Consul-General 






2 


at Shanghai for many years, and from 1876 to 1880 
was United States Minister to China. In 1869 he 
was appointed Minister to Corea, but, at his sug¬ 
gestion, the sending of a mission to that country was 
deferred. While in China he was especially active in 
checking piracy and suppressing riots. 

At the beginning of the conversation Mr. Seward, 
in response to a question, spoke of the- naval demon¬ 
stration made by Russia in New York harbor during 
the Civil War. He said: 

“ I take it that the question is suggested by asser¬ 
tions frequently seen in our newspapers that Ameri¬ 
cans should sympathize with Russia, in the contest 
she is waging with Japan, because of her friendliness 
to us. My answer will go over considerable ground. 

What the Russian Fleet’s Visit Meant. 

“The naval demonstration mentioned was an 
incident of more than passing concern to our people. 
We were waging a civil war that seemed desperate to 
some of our own people. It was thought hopeless by 
most public men in England and France. - Even Mr. 
Gladstone, than whom no Englishman was more 
friendly to us, said in a public address that our people 
‘should recognize the fact that Jefferson Davis had 
created a nation. ’ There was underlying and uncon¬ 
cealed hostility toward us on both sides of the English 
Channel. Just at a happy moment Russia sent her 
fleet to our shores. It was intended that the occasion 


3 


should be so directed as to indicate a warm and 
friendly feeling for us. Our people accepted the 
demonstration with gratitude. 

“There is no reason why the incident should not 
be remembered with satisfaction. It was a graceful 
thing on the part of Russia. If it was what might be 
called a diplomatic move, it was not less graceful. If 
it gave pause to English or French sentiment by a 
suggestion that Russian sentiment and Russian 
purposes did not run with English and French senti¬ 
ment or their possible purposes, it was not less valu¬ 
able to us. Yet one knows that there are always 
interests between the great European powers that 
receive their first attention. If Russia was calling a 
halt to England and France, she no doubt had purposes 
to serve. If her diplomacy has always been, so far 
as we are concerned, complaisant and largely appre¬ 
ciative, we may say that her diplomacy is always 
astute and well directed. It is a diplomacy such as 
may exist in a state not subject to parliamentary 
control. It seeks to promote policies that are per¬ 
manent. It does so under a control that is permanent 
and through agents who are permanent and under¬ 
stand their business.” 

Mr. Seward continued: 

“When we ask whether the naval demonstration 
and the perennial delights that have been showered 
upon us by Russian diplomacy should lead us to take 
sides with her, sympathetically, in the East, the 


4 


answer is a very simple one. We should have a right 
regard to our own interests in the East, and we should 
never forget to sympathize with the nation that has a 
just conception of its own rights and duties as against 
any nation that may be serving its own interest 
regardless of the rights of the other. 

The Question Not Obscure. 

“The real Eastern question (to be more definite, 
let us call it the Oriental question) is not an obscure 
one. Russia owns all the territory in the northern 
part of Asia from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific. 
She has not had until lately an outlet to the Pacific by 
an ice-free port. Down between Japan and the littoral 
of eastern Siberia there pours an arctic current 
making the climate rigorous for the latitude. For 
this reason after the China-Jap an War of 1898, Russia, 
in return for services to China in preventing Japan 
from making permanent lodgment on the northern 
shore of the Gulf of Pechili, secured from China by a 
secret treaty the right to build a railway from her 
trans-Siberian line south through Manchuria, the 
undisputed territory of China, to Port Arthur on the 
promontory of Liau-tung, which promontory extends 
from the mainland of Manchuria south into the Gulf 
of Pechili, and the right to lease an ice-free harbor on 
the promontory for permanent occupation. In pur¬ 
suance of this concession, Russia has built the Man¬ 
churian Railway to Dalny and Port Arthur at the 



5 


southern end of the promontory of Liau-tung and has 
created commercial and military stations at Dalny 
and Port Arthur. 

“It was not wise on the part of China to grant to 
Russia these concessions. She herself should have 
built the railway and created the commercial port as 
its terminal on the gulf. She herself should have 
fortified the terminal port, giving reasonable trans¬ 
portation privileges to all comers, including Russians. 
But she could not avoid making the grant. It was in 
the nature of an enforced quid pro quo. It is now un 
fait accompli. The whole matter was worked out 
by diplomatic means. Russia got privileges that she 
needed, and as respects which the world at large may 
properly feel sympathetic with her. She needed 
such access to the Pacific. It was on the line of 
natural development. 

“There is a general impression that Russian di¬ 
plomacy is not always scrupulous. It is certain in 
this case that the occupation of Port Arthur, osten¬ 
sibly for commercial purposes, has been followed by 
large expenditures intended to make it a strongly 
fortified naval station. It is certain also that her 
military occupation of parts of Manchuria, made at 
the time of the Boxer outbreak, has been continued 
and extended. It is certain that the protests in China 
against this action have gone unheeded. It is certain 
that those of Japan have gdne unheeded. It is certain 
that Russia has not only disregarded these protests, 



6 


but has advanced in a positive way the proposition 
that Manchuria and even northern Corea must be 
considered within her ‘ sphere of influence. ’ 

“Spheres of Influence.” 

“The term ‘sphere of influence’ is a euphemism 
that everybody understands. It means that the 
nation asserting it intends, whenever it so desires, to 
take full control. It means that no other nation must 
interfere with its purpose, and it means that the 
purpose of full control may be worked up to by 
tentative steps. 

“If we grant to Russia at once a reasonable 
degree of sympathy in her desire to get a commercial 
outlet on the Pacific, ought we to extend sympathy to 
her in her effort to seize and control territory belong¬ 
ing to China ? This is a question of morality. If it is 
moral for a man to take property belonging to some 
one else by force and because it may be useful to him, 
it is moral for a nation to do the same thing. As a 
matter of common sense, and in view of the best con¬ 
ceptions of that very indeterminate thing, inter¬ 
national law, it is not allowable for a nation to do an 
act the like of which would not be allowed to an 
individual. 

“But for China or Japan there may be a broader 
ground of objection to the seizure of Manchuria. Pos¬ 
session of that territory may be held by them to 
create danger to their respective States. Our own 


nation practically demanded that France, under Na¬ 
poleon III., should abandon effort to control Mexico. 
We should have fought for our view if France had not 
complied with our demand. With nations, as with 
individuals, self-preservation is the first law of nature. 

“ That Japan feels strongly on this point was shown 
when she went to war with China. Herbbject was to 
throw r herself across the path of Russia on the way 
to the Gulf of Pechili. The southern littoral of Man¬ 
churia was the scene of all her operations, and when 
she had conquered the territory her right to it was 
confirmed by treaty. Russia, uniting with France 
and Germany, forced her to give up the conquered 
territory and to rest satisfied with other indemnity. 
This action of Russia must have seemed to Japan 
proof enough that she had not been wrong in her con¬ 
ception of Russian purposes. And now the fact that 
she makes war on Russia is evidence of the most 
complete sort that the Japanese consider the Russian 
occupation of Manchuria a menace to their country 
that cannot be disregarded. 

“ In China, beyond a doubt, the same fears exist. 
It is Chinese territory, and territory that is held 
more dear because the ancestral seats of the Chinese 
dynasty are there. Any foreign occupation of 
Manchuria would be obnoxious to a degree. A per¬ 
manent occupation would be regarded as the first 
step threatening the integrity of the body of the 
empire. 


8 


European Rule in Asia. 

“Americans should stop to think of this. One- 
half of all Asia has passed under foreign rule. It is 
Russian in the north, French in the southeast, and 
English in the southwest. There is a constant for¬ 
ward movement of the European populations against 
the Asiatic, This movement is one not altogether 
indicative of national purposes. It results from the 
control already acquired. It is due to the same 
impulse that has pushed our own boundaries forward 
at the expense of Indian tribes or of other control, 
and that has pushed the English forward in South 
Africa. This movement occasions alarm, of course. 
What more natural than for the Chinese or Japanese 
to believe that what has happened in the districts to 
the north, to the southeast, and to the southwest, may 
happen in their territories. 

“ The Boxer movement had its origin in this fear. 
Russia had occupied Port Arthur. Germany had 
seized Kiau-Chau. England, as an offset against these 
advances, had demanded and received Wei-Hai-Wei. 
All these were points upon the Gulf of Pechili, 
excepting Kiau-Chau, and it was just off the gulf on 
the China Sea. The Boxers, with the sympathy of a 
faction in Peking, undertook their wild work in re¬ 
sentment against these aggressions. It succeeded in 
part, for it brought the foreign States named, and 
others seeking territorial aggrandizement at the 


9 


expense of China, to see that China would not be a 
passive victim of her own dismemberment. 

“Japan, then, is fighting in self-defense. In doing 
so she is fighting, not only for her own permanent 
security, she is fighting for the permanent security 
of China as well. And in doing so it may be said that 
she is fighting the cause of Asia at large, the cause of 
the people of the ‘habitat’ against European domina¬ 
tion. Am I wrong in saying to persons who believe in 
the ancient landmark idea, that Japan, not Russia, is 
entitled to their sympathy under such circumstances? 

The Yellow Peril. 

“We hear much about the yellow peril. In view 
of what has been said, the yellow peril scare will 
appear very idle. It is, indeed, so ridiculous, in view 
of the advance of Europe (must we add America?) in 
Asia, that we may readily believe that it is the talk of 
persons who are not well informed, or talk that is put 
out for a purpose. It comes from St. Petersburg and 
from Berlin. Why it comes from St. Petersburg is 
easily conceived. Why from Berlin will be seen later. 

“As a long-time resident in the East, I assert that 
the yellow peril is a thing to cause no anxiety. No 
great States in the world’s history have been so con¬ 
sistently peaceful as China and Japan. Possessing 
overwhelming power, they have refrained from con¬ 
quests, even over surrounding petty States. There 
is Corea and the Lew Chew Islands to the east, and 


10 


all the Cochin-Chinese States, Siam, Burmah, Malacca, 
Borneo, the Philippines and Java to the south. Who 
has ever heard of hostile movements against them on 
the part of either? Japan was content with her own 
territory until white men came. Since then she has 
developed an ardent military spirit, but she has not 
since made any war where it could be said that terri- 
„ torial aggrandizement was the purpose. The yellow 
peril is a matter of imagination, then, where it is not 
a matter of allegation for a purpose. It is not Europe 
that has cause to fear Asia; it is Asia that has cause 
to fear Europe. 

“The United States has had a distinct policy in 
the East until lately. It may be that it still has. Our 
policy was to maintain an attitude of respect and 
sympathy for China and Japan, and to seek to 
draw other nations into the same attitude; to the 
end that the territorial integrity of both nations 
might be sustained, to the end that just things 
only might be done to those states, to the end that 
those states might the better be led to do just things 
in all their relations with foreign nations, and to the 
end that the people of all nations might have in China 
and Japan a fair field for their commerce and enter¬ 
prise. This was our traditional policy. It was 
broadly conceived, and under it, so long as it was well 
observed by foreign states, China and Japan pro¬ 
gressed on peaceful lines, and intercourse that was 
beneficial on both sides continually broadened. As a 



11 


policy it was altogether above and beyond the much- 
vaunted ‘open door’ policy. Under the latter we did 
no more than claim that our trade should not be 
interfered with in the ‘spheres of influence.’ Under 
the former we actively combated the first beginnings 
of the ‘spheres of influence’ idea. The open door 
catchword was invented in England. It was long ago 
dropped there. It was taken up at Washington. It is 
high time that it should be dropped here as meaning¬ 
less, and for our government to rest once more upon 
the proposition that when we defend in all right 
ways the territorial integrity of China and Japan, we 
do the only thing that can secure an open door. 

Purposes of European Powers. 

“If we take it for granted that America, despite 
all that has happened, should stand for the integrity 
of China and Japan, it may be asked how far different 
ideas may control the European powers. 

“We know the purposes of Russia. She wants 
certain territory and means to have it. Her magnifi¬ 
cent Siberian domain would be rounded out if she 
gained Manchuria and Corea. As she has permitted 
herself to drift into war with Japan rather than to 
secure permanent peace by the simple means of 
agreeing in advance not to invade Chinese sovereignty 
in Manchuria or Corean sovereignty, it must be sup¬ 
posed that she holds to the purpose of securing control 
of Manchuria and possibly of Corea at any hazard. 


12 


“To one who knows, or believes he knows, the 
East, there is no difficulty in reaching a conclusion as 
to the purposes of Great Britain. She has already 
vast control in Asia. Under her sway are at least 
200,000,000 of people. She knows that unrest exists 
there, and is more concerned to hold what she has 
than to attempt to secure more territory. She desires 
the integrity of China and Japan because she does 
not wish to limit the field of the commercial activities 
of her people. She does not wish the balance of 
power in Eastern Asia disturbed. Russia, her old ad¬ 
versary on the Baltic and the Mediterranean and along 
her Indian frontier, would be more difficult to deal 
with if planted firmly with military and naval bases 
in the territory that juts down wedge-like between 
China and Japan. England is the natural ally of 
Japan and China. 

“France has close sympathy with Russia in these 
days. Russia has played an astute diplomatic game. 
The French, without any underlying interest to 
justify sympathy, have yielded to Russia a great deal 
of it of late. Jealousy of Germany and jealousy of 
England has been an element in the Russo-French 
‘rapprochement.’ But after all, the alliance, if it may 
be called such, is sentimental rather than serious. 
France has control of territory in Cochin-China that 
is undeveloped. She may look to the acquisition of 
territory from China along the Cochin-Chinese border, 
but she does not need it for military or naval purposes 





13 


and the population there is not an easy one to control. 
She is not a colonizing power in the ordinary sense. 
As against the policy of sustaining the integrity of 
China and of Japan, France may be said to be a negli¬ 
gible quantity. 

Germany’s Position. 

“The case may be different with Germany. The 
latter is an ambitious nation, as respects foreign 
markets and territory. Her people are scattering 
themselves all over the face of the earth wherever 
trade is to be done and taking a share in all oppor¬ 
tunities. Her government has not been idle. It has 
shown extreme interest in Asia Minor; it has acquired 
territory in Central Africa; it has seized a point of 
immense vantage on the coast of China. 

“The object of this seizure is not well understood. 
The bare facts are as follows: After the secret treaty 
between China and Russia, referred to above, was 
made, but before knowledge of it had become general, 
Germany seized Kiau-Chau. Two German mis¬ 
sionaries had been killed, and, without waiting for 
reparation, she made her descent upon that place. It 
so happens that back of Kiau-Chau, in the province of 
Shansi, is the finest coal and iron field in the world. 
That field is Germany’s objective point. With German 
scientific skill, commercial quality and capital, and 
Chinese cheap labor, what will happen in the iron 
markets of the world when Germany enters upon this 


14 


promised land may he left to the imagination of the 
reader. Why talk is put out from Berlin about the 
‘Yellow Peril’ may be left to the judgment of the 
reader. What will that peril really be when Germany 
is in possession and has developed the mines of 
Shansi ? 

“The question whether Russia and Germany are 
silent allies, the object of each being territorial ag¬ 
gression at the expense of China, I cannot answer. 
They were allied when they forced Japan to release 
the Manchurian littoral on the Gulf of Pechili after the 
China-Japan War. They may be still, with complete 
understanding as to their respective spheres of in¬ 
fluence. It is reasonable to suppose that they are, 
although it is possible that Russia may feel that 
Germany has thrown herself across her march to the 
south in China proper, and it is possible that Germany 
may feel that Russian progress may contain a threat 
against German control of the coal and iron of Shansi. 
The situation is interesting, and clearly enough indi¬ 
cates that not the integrity of China, but the partition 
of China, more or less, is involved in the plans of 
Germany as well as in those of Russia. 

“For China, for Japan, for England, and for the 
United States, German purposes in Shansi are a 
matter of consequence. If Russia succeeds in Man¬ 
churia, China proper might not be affected greatly. 
Manchuria is outlying territory, and the loss of it 
might not affect China more than the loss of the State 


15 


of Maine would affect the body of our nation. But 
Shansi lies between Peking, the seat of government, 
and the great body of population of the empire. With 
Germany in control, the capital would have to be 
abandoned and a new seat found for the government. 
With Russia in Manchuria and Germany in Shansi, 
the partition of the empire would have been begun, 
and the old empire, helpless, would fall an easy victim 
of further aggressions, in which France, Italy, and 
possibly England and the United States, might be in¬ 
volved. The map of Eastern Asia would be changed 
and once more the Asiatic would go down before the 
Caucasian. And these same Caucasians, stirred by 
the delirium of conquest and separated by bounda¬ 
ries of indeterminate character, might be expected to 
fall into disagreements and wars, the like of which 
the world has never seen, because involving nations 
and populations on two sides of the globe. It is pos¬ 
sible to conceive that Russia and Germany might 
emerge from these collisions with greater opportuni¬ 
ties. Possibly England and France might. But not 
so with the United States. We could never bring the 
national conscience to support Asiatic enterprises to 
the bitter end. 

Against Foreign Aggressions. 

‘ ‘Having been for twenty years while in China an 
ardent supporter of the policy of just dealing with 
China; having never since my return from China felt 


16 


any occasion to revise my judgment in this respect; 
having been reared to believe that the off-colored 
stocks have rights that white men should respect; 
having appreciation of both the Chinese and Japanese 
as men altogether like ourselves in mental and moral 
endowments; it is natural for me to stand true to the 
conviction that foreign aggressions in that region 
ought to be reprobated, and, so far as possible, 
prevented. And having seen the policy of just deal¬ 
ing initiated by Burlingame successful for a long 
time, I am persuaded that it is within the range of 
possibility to-day for our country to advocate that 
policy by moral force, with good hope that it will help 
greatly to relieve the tension of the situation. It may 
be that I am wrong in the hope. It may be that my 
countrymen will lean to the idea that the domination 
of Asia by Europe will make for the best interests of 
the world. I am not of that opinion; and, having had 
opportunities to judge possessed by few, it may be 
that my opinion, even if held alone, is the right one.” 









































































































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